Slate On-Line
The Clintons and the Mob
By Jodie T. Allen
Jodie T. Allen is the
Washington editor of SLATE.
Aug. 2, 1996
The Laborers'
International Union of North America represents 750,000 construction and
waste-removal workers. Their leader is named Arthur A. Coia. Coia is a major
contributor to Democratic causes, and also has had extensive social dealings
with the Clintons.
Early last year, the
Justice Department allowed Coia to oversee a massive cleanup of his union,
rather than filing a racketeering lawsuit, removing Coia, and putting the union
under government control.
The Laborers' ties to the
mob have been studied often, most recently in a Justice Department
investigation begun during the Bush administration.
The October 1994 report of
that probe charged, among many other specifics, that the union's presidents,
including Coia, "have been controlled and influenced by organized crime
figures" for decades.
Coia, whose entire career
has been in the Laborers' union, is a wealthy man thanks in part to real-estate
dealings with his own.
His father was also a top
union official who, according to federal investigators, had long-standing mob
contacts.
Coia's ties to the
Clintons began in early 1993, when the Laborers loaned $100,000 to Clinton's inaugural
committee.
After Coia rose to the
union presidency in March 1993, he and his wife had numerous contacts with the
Clintons.
A House Judiciary
subcommittee (which held hearings on this
matter in July) has issued
a list of more than 100 "transactions" between the two families
extending through May of this year.
These include watching an
NBA game together at the White House, receptions, bill signings, breakfasts,
dinners, gift exchanges (an autographed basketball for the president, the book
of Psalms for Hillary) and an invitation (declined) from Clinton to Coia to
join him on a trip to Haiti.
The Haiti invitation was
relayed by White House Deputy Chief of Staff Harold Ickes, a lawyer who used to
represent the union.
Coia also aided Clinton
politically. The Laborers' PAC contributed more than $2 million to the
Democratic Party and its candidates in 1993 and 1994. Coia broke with most of
the labor movement to support NAFTA.
Coia personally
contributed $1,000 to the Clintons' legal defense fund, and helped organize
Democratic Party fund raisers. He joined the board of "Back to
Business," a group of prominent Democrats dedicated to responding to
attacks on the Clintons' integrity.
In January 1994, Hillary
Clinton was scheduled to give a satellite address to top Laborers' union
officials. The chief of the Justice Department's organized-crime section
recommended in a memo that she "avoid direct contact with Coia, if
possible."
In September 1994, the
White House considered appointing Coia to the presidential council on
competitiveness. It submitted his name to the FBI for a background check.
The FBI warned that Coia
"is a criminal associate of the New England Patriarca organized crime
family" and was under confidential investigation. The appointment was dropped.
Two weeks later, however,
Coia met with Clinton in the Oval Office to "share some thoughts and
ideas," according to his thank-you note. The next month, Coia and his wife
attended a White House dinner at which the president played the saxophone.
On Nov. 4, 1994, Coia
received a handwritten note from Clinton thanking him for a
"gorgeous" custom-made golf club and congratulating him on becoming a
grandfather.
The same day, Coia
received a copy of the Justice Department's report concluding that he was
"controlled and influenced" by the mob.
In February 1995, a week
after Hillary Clinton addressed a Laborers' conference in Florida (see photo),
Coia and the Justice Department signed an agreement that gave Coia until 1998
to clean up the union under government supervision rather than placing the
union under direct federal control.
This agreement is central
to the controversy.
Did Coia get special
treatment because of his Clinton connection?
In more than 15 other
racketeering cases, the government filed the case in court and ultimately took
over control of the union.
Defenders of the Laborers'
arrangement argue that it will clean up the union just as effectively, and at
less expense.
Back in 1987, Newt
Gingrich and other Republicans were among 245 House members who wrote a letter
to Attorney General Ed Meese specifically opposing a federal takeover of four
unions including the Laborers, and protesting the use of federal racketeering
laws against the unions.
Since the agreement, Coia
has hired 50 former FBI agents and several former federal prosecutors to pursue
the internal reform.
So far, that effort has
ousted 27 union members, put four local unions under a central trusteeship, and
overturned four tainted local elections.
Federal field agents and prosecutors
nevertheless have been quoted (anonymously) saying that the union is still
mobbed up. They say the government has made a sweetheart deal that is simply
allowing Coia to purge his rivals.
At the subcommittee
hearing, the key Justice Department officials testified that the White House
was not involved in the settlement with the Laborers in any way. No direct
evidence to the contrary was produced. Democrats note that the Republican Party
has had plenty of contacts with disreputable unions.
Ronald Reagan gladly took
endorsements from the Longshoremen and the Teamsters, two unions that were the
targets of FBI racketeering probes at the time.